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Bencyrus Ellorin

A FRIEND reminded me of my college activism when he learned I was not rooting for the Davao City mayor’s presidential run. It was as if I committed an anti-people and antievolutionary act. Yes, for many, presumptive president Rodrigo Duterte has been believed to bring in progressive, if not revolutionary change that would end the semi-feudal and semi-colonial Philippine society and bring the country into the gates of socialism.

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While the presumptive president represents the dislike of many Filipinos to the Manila/Tagalog oligarchy that has ruled the country since the Philippine revolution for independence, can he be the representative of the national democratic revolutionaries who want to liberate Filipinos from imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism?

By class origin, he belongs to the ruling elite. His father traces his roots in Danao, Cebu – a scion of the Durano clan, known for their warlordism during the Martial Law years and earlier. Of course, second, third generation Duranos have turned technocrats like former Tourism Secretary Ace Durano and President Aquino’s right-hand in the cabinet Secretary Jose Rene Almendras, who before joining the bureaucracy worked with the Ayalas and the Aboitizes.

Mayor Duterte stuck it out with local governance just like the Duranos of Danao City. Although they are no longer the warlords, Cebuanos of old remember. The Durano clan with their political party Bakud (Barug Alang sa Kauswagan ug Demokrasya) has never lost grip of Danao City and Cebu province’s 5th district. As one of the most durable clan parties in Cebu, Bakud’s influence now spans the whole province with Vice Gov. Agnes Almendras Magpale.

For the Dutertes in Davao, their foray in politics started with the presumptive president’s father Vicente, who was governor of the undivided Davao province. The younger Duterte, a public prosecutor, was appointed mayor after Edsa and has since tightened his grip over Mindanao’s biggest city.

He created his own political dynasty. His daughter Sara was a mayor in 2010 to 2013, when his nine-year reign ended in 2010. He was vice mayor. Now Sara will be back as mayor and son Paulo, a city councillor, as vice mayor.

I have enumerated these facts to understand the class roots of the presumptive president. Although some great revolutionaries, among them Jose Ma. Sison come from the landed classes, they have committed what is called class suicide or remoulding when they committed their lives to the revolution by participating in the armed struggle to liberate the peasants from oppression and workers from exploitation.

Duterte, although claiming to be a leftist – a general term for activitists of the national democratic movement, cannot be considered a revolutionary at any time of his life. Published reports of his closest relation to the left was when he had Sison as his teacher at Lyceum, his frequent attendance to events like anniversaries of the New Peoples’ Army (NPA), and his perceived anti-American stance.

But can we really expect revolutionary change under a Duterte administration? No.

Not even with the coming home of the founding chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and chief political adviser of the National Democratic Front (NDF), the 77-year-old enigmatic leader, ideologue, thinker of the Philippine national democratic revolution Jose Ma. Sison.

Although, I must agree that Sison, a great patriot should be allowed to come home, to enjoy the company of friends and relatives, and yes eat mango and bibingka, I have longed to have a selfie with this man whose writings greatly influenced my political views and analyses.

The best thing that could happen under a left-friendly Duterte administration would be the resumption of the peace talks. It is welcome news that the presumptive president is willing to release political prisoners. The issue of political prisoners has hindered the substantive progress of the peace process with the revolutionary left.

The government’s peace process with the NDF has not shown any substantive progress since the signing of the Comprehensive Agreement on Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law ( Cahrihl) in April 1998.

Based on the Hague Joint Declaration of 1992, the framework of the peace process between the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the NDF, shall have four substantial themes, namely 1) Human Rights and International Humanitarian Laws; 2) Socio-economic reforms; 3) Political and Constitutional reforms; and 4) End of hostilities and disposition of forces.

Now, despite the Cahrihl, the GPH-NDF peace process is basically back to square one as the first substantive agreement needs to be revisited because of unabated impunity and human rights violation committed by both the GPH and the NDF. Also violations of International Humanitarial Laws have been alleged by both parties, ranging from protection of women, elderly and children from combat to employment of child combatants, abuse of indigenous peoples’ rights, womens’ rights issues, to use of banned weapons like landmines.

The dismal human rights records of Mayor Duterte could add complexity in any attempt to revisit the Cahrihl. It is however queer, the left has been perceived to be approvingly silent to the human rights record of the presumptive president. Would the NDF take issues of extrajudicial killings with the Duterte administration in the peace negotiating table with the same gusto it had taken the issue with previous administrations?

What about socio-economic reforms? Political and constitutional reforms? This early, sharp words have been exchanged between Duterte’s spokesman Peter Lavina and Teddy Casino over the latter’s criticism over the neo-liberal economic policies of the presumptive Duterte administration.

Mining policy could be another stumbling block. While the progressives condemn the mining policy of the Aquino administration and the closeness of Mar Roxas to mining magnates, the presumptive president is unabashed about the roles, mining executives Paul Dominguez and former Defense Secretary Gibo Teodoro who are identified with the controversial Sagittarius Mines Inc., these gentlemen would play in his administration. Too, the Zamora brothers who are investing heavily in mining are said to be major campaign financiers of the presumptive president.

It is widely reported that the presumptive president is offering cabinet positions to the left or the communists. Among the departments mentioned were labor, social welfare and development, environment and agrarian reform. Would the left take this offer? It remains to be seen. But should it take the offer, the relationship with the left and Malacanang would be complicated at best.

Would it mean surrender or capitulation? Capitulation is something Joma is so acerbic about.  Believed to be the primus interpares among national democratic ideologues, would Joma soften or even repudiate national democratic revolution principle that any coalition government should be based on conditions sine qua non like genuine agrarian reform, nationalist industrialization and repudiation of imperialist treaties, among others?

Will the national democratic movement suck it up with an administration that promises to be brutal or would it passionately side with the people to protect civil liberties and human rights?

While it feels good seeing a reactionary government co-exist with the longest Marxist revolutionary organization in the world, I hope these are just infatuations, flirtations.

Maybe, there would be leftist personalities joining the Duterte administration, but not the whole movements. While we are in this flirtation that has captured the arousal of around 40 percent of the electorate, bring out the Kleenex please.

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