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By Carolyn Arguillas

of Mindanews

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Last of three parts

Q. Baka pareho na naman iyan sa 1996 agreement na several years later, the same complaint, that it was not implemented?

A. In terms of engagement, in 2000, government did not comply, it declared an all-out war…massive ang displacement and (government forces) occupied half portion of Camp Abubakar. Towards the end of Estrada’s term, gusto niya bumalik sa negotiation, ayaw ng MILF. Ang gusto ng MILF ma-elevate ang pag-uusap, merong third party facilitation or OIC (Organization of the Islamic Cooperation) mismo and outside the Philippines na. Nang mapalitan si Estrada, diplomatic stage na. Malaysia as the facilitator. February 11, 2003 inatake ang MILF under the preetext of runing after kidnap for ransom groups pero ang inatake si Salamat kaya nagkaroon ng gyera and then after that, sa term pa rin ni Arroyo mag-usap ulit, sabi ng MILF, ‘kahit na may ceasefire inatake niyo kami,’ so pumasok ang International Monitoring Team in 2004. Then MOA-AD (Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain), initialled na pero hindi sila (gov’t) pumirma in 2008, nagkaroon ng gyera. Hindi kayo tumutupad sa agreement, so there has to be an international guarantee, so dyan pumasok ang International Contact Group. So ngayon pag hindi pa tumupad ang gobyerno mas maging mataas na ang engagement.

Q. Kung diplomatic stage tawag nyo noon, ano na siya ngayon?

A. Umabot na tayo sa United Nations.

Q. Okay, you’re in this stage of your struggle. But you are all aging. You, Murad, Jaafar, etc.. How deep is your bench of second liners?

A. The struggle is something different from other kinds of human endeavors because you cannot learn the the art of being Mujahideen or revolutionary unless you are there. Kaya nga sabi ko there are two very difficult periods in the struggle: how to begin and how to end. Ang aming struggle, comprehensive, isang component ang armas. When we meet other revolutionaries outside the Philippines, we tell them hindi namin kalaban ang gobyerno at sundalo, ang kalaban namin ay oppression. Kahit sinong mag-oppress, kalaban kaya wala kaming tinatagong tinding sama ng loob sa sundalo kasi hindi sila ang kalaban namin.

Q. Sa palagay mo yang draft BBL na yan, kung nakakabasa pa si Kato ng BIFF (Note: Kato, a former MILF commander who broke away to set up the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters, suffered a stroke in November 2011 and has not been heard from since)katanggap-tanggap yan?

A. After all those efforts na magkaroon pa ng pagkaisa, sending the best of his teachers and classmates and leaders of the MILF and he rejected, sabi namin go on your way, we’ll go on our way. In the end, tingnan natin.

Q. In my interview with Kato in April 2011, he said it’s up to you to negotiate but they will not get in the way of peace

A. Sa Pilipinas nga, may NPA, may MNLF, MILF, Abu Sayyaf, etc. Yun ang sagot ko doon sa tanong. Dito sa Pilipinas, may mga rebelde, eh doon pa kaya sa Bangsamoro Government? But hopefully with a genuine heart to address the issue…

Q. Pero hindi mo ako sinagot re how deep is your bench in terms of second liners.

A. Leaders are born out of the struggle, they are not made.

Q. I ask you the same question I asked Nur, Salamat Hashim, Murad. How would you want history to judge you? You in particular, you still have very young children, how would you want your children to remember you when you’re long gone?

A. I would like history to judge me on the positive and the negative side. I do not believe in judging people by merely mentioning the positive side.

Q. Your very young children? How would you want them to remember you?

A. As they are watching me.

Q. Who will chair the BTA?

A. I don’t know.

Q. The Central Committee will decide? Have you made plans about this?

A. A consultation was called by Chairman Murad on who will be named to the BTA. The Bangsamoro Government is by election but BTA is by appointment. There was a huge consultation, involving political and military components of the MILF as well as mass leaders and the consensus was for Murad to lead the BTA.

Q. He told me the other week that the Central Committee has yet to decide. My question to him was: “Is the BTA minister going to be Al Haj Murad Ebrahim?” He said it depends on the Central Committee.

A. Yes. That’s why there was consultation and the overwhelming response was to push him as BTA chair. But the Central Committee will finally decide kung siya na ba o meron pang iba. Hindi natin alam.

Q. What will be your role in the BTA?

A. Hindi ko alam. Ang importante sa akin natapos ko ang trabaho ko as negotiator. As chief negotiatier na-deliver na ng team namin ang agreements, ang BBL.

Q. You still have many deliverables until the exit agreement, right?

A. Dumadami eh. Ang importante diyan, walang agawan sa billing. Uulitin ko, mahirap sa struggle how to begin and how to end.

Q. But the ending you are referring to is just the end of one phase, right? Bobby Alonto said yesterday the struggle does not end with the submission of the draft BBL to Congress.

A. Yes. The end of one phase. Continuing struggle yan. We will never give up RSD (right to self-determination).

Q. If Moro people read the final draft BBL, are they not going to say it’s a document of a sell-out?

A. It depends on who is reading the document.

Q. Ikaw?

A. I will never be part of a document that is a sell-out. I believe that the BBL that we drafted is the best as far as a real autonomy is concerned. The only thing that would better this one is when we are drafting a Constitution for an independent state which is not in our mind.

Q. Compare the original 97-page draft and the draft that will be submitted to Congress, malaki ba ang difference?

A. Malaki ang na improve.

Q. In terms of substance? Styling?

A. Substance. Especially in Transportation and Communication then Bangsamoro Electoral Office and then Shari’ah. Na-enhance.

Q.The Bangsamoro Electoral Office will be under Comelec, right? How different is it from a regional Comelec office?

A. It’s part of Comelec. May mga special powers.

Q. I noticed the emphasis of “Constitution” in the transittal letter.

A. To immediatley give the impression that this does not violate the Constitution. Kaisa naman ang gobyerno at saka MILF na kailangan hindi labag sa Constitution. Ang issue lang diyan flexibility and rigidity of the Constitution. Yung outside of the Constitution, yun yung sa proposal to amend the Constitution (which is not in the draft BBL).

Q. Among the total funds that will be given to the Bangsamoro, there’s a P2-B a year for five years for Special Development Fund, you said. But that’s the same amount given to the Armm in 1989. It’s now 2014 and it’s the same amount? Overall, are you happy with the amount that you are getting for the Bangsamoro?

A. Yes. We tried everything and that’s the only amount that we can get. And secondly the more important part of it, we have that policy of selfeliance. We have to stand on our own. Of course we need the government’s help because we are still part of the Philippines. Also, the bulk of our wealth had been taken away from us and our place is devastated.

Q. Pero magkasya ba yun?

A. Magkasya? .. Presidente na ang kausap eh. Anong gagawin mo? Pipilit ka pa ba eh Presidente na ang kausap mo? Magiging unreasonable ka na.

Q. Do you feel you could have gotten more?

A. I tried everything.

Q. Are you happy with the final text of the power-and-wealth-sharing in the BBL?

A. I’m happy because we have exerted everything possible and that’s what we got out of the process. Otherwise, we will end up with nothing. I will give you an example kasi minsan eh pragmatism… halimbawa yung Oslo Agreement, maganda ang package pero hindi tinanggap ng PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization) so anong nangyari? Lalong napasama. Pangalawa, sa panahon ni Misuari, panahon ni Cory (President Corazon Aquino, the incumbent President’s mother), gusto nila isarado ang 10 provinces kasi ano yun, revolutionary government pa so kahit anong gusto ni Corazon Aquino, mangyayari. Inayawan ng MNLF. Gusto nila 23 provinces. Anong nakuha nila? Tinanggap nila ang apat na probinsya ng Armm so from these, lessons learned.

Q. Sana tinanggap na lang nila ang sampu?

A. Sana tinanggap na nila. Against the advice of many people, ayaw nila. Kami (kung) gusto pa naming humirit sa Presidente, magiging unreasonable na kami.

Q. Salamat Hashim in the negotiations for the 1976 Tripoli Agreement, said Moro-dominated lang but he lost to Nur who had the majority then. A week after the signing of the FAB, Nur said in Davao City that what you in the MILF got is ‘only five tiny provinces not even the size of the Cotabato Empire of yore.’

A: Sa proseso kasi yan. Sa (MNLF), from top to bottom. Sa amin from bottom up. Thirteen provinces, nine cities (Note: original area of autonomy under the Tripoli Agreement of 1976 wiht the MNLF; now equivalent to 15 provinces, 15 cities out of Mindanao’s 27 provinces and 33 cities). Palagay natin makuha mo 13 provinces, kaninong autonomy yan? Christian autonomy di ba? Ang MILF, bottom up. Five provinces, meron pang pagkakataon ma-increase yan, depende sa

Q. Depende sa performance ng Bangsamoro government?

A. Yes. At demography.

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